VOA Interview / Czech Foreign Minister Lipavsky USAGM
Metadata
- VOA Interview / Czech Foreign Minister Lipavsky USAGM
- April 25, 2022
- Content Type Interview
- Language English
- Transcript/Script 00;03 QUESTION: “All right Minister, good to have you here. Thank you. What can you tell us about what the Czech Republic has done to help Ukraine in this crisis?” CZECH FOREIGN MINISTER JAN LIPAVSKY: “We have done many things? First of all, we have accepted three hundred thousand refugees. We are providing them with shelter and basic needs. We are 10 million country, which means 300000 of refugees, it’s a quite significant number. We consider ourselves to be the fore running state, at the forefront of the Ukraine crisis, and we are also sending significant amount of humanitarian aid to Ukraine and military aid, and it's not only government action, it's action of basically the whole nation is helping. People are fundraising and sending a really significant amount of money, of help to weapons and to humanitarian aid. And we are also helping Ukraine politically. We are advocating for Ukraine in EU, in Europe. We want to help Ukrainians with their European ambitions to help Ukraine become a member of EU.” Q: “On that note, the Czech Republic is going to assume the EU rotating presidency on July 1st.” LIPAVSKY: “Yes, we do.” Q: “Do you see the Ukrainians' European ambition, EU ambition advance? Where do you see the status of Ukraine's EU membership aspirations at the end of the Czech Republic's rotating presidency?” LIPAVSKY: “It's very hard to predict honestly, but my vision for our presidency is to carve in a stone that Ukraine has a right to be part of European society, that Ukraine has a right to become a member of EU and I understand that there are different opinions on that, already, in EU. I take it very seriously. I am listening very seriously. And for me, it's a point for things to be changed and explained. And we know that once the war is over, we will pay for the complete reconstruction of Ukraine, once the war is over, and the Ukraine will win this war I’m one hundred percent sure of that, that we will be helping Ukraine to rebuild the whole nation, to rebuild the whole country, let's do it in a way that Ukraine can then be a member of EU, that’s the point of the whole thing.” 03;14 Q: “On the helping Ukraine rebuild, Ukrainian reconstruction. Where will that money come from?” LIPAVSKY: “Honestly, it will come from Europe, because Europe always pays for all these kind of actions, and it is obvious. During our presidency we want to make a donation conference. Of course, many countries are helping, we got a gift from Japan, we got the gift from Taiwan, US is providing help. So, it is about to put these funds together. But in the end of the day, Ukraine is in EU neighborhood. So, Ukraine will take the biggest share of help, of course from the EU. Q: “Your confidence that Ukraine, you’re a hundred percent sure that Ukraine will win this battle, this year or. What is a Ukrainian victory? What does it look like to you or how would you define it, or describe it?” LIPAVSKY: “But it's not up to me to define it. It's up to President Zelenskyy and President Putin, probably, to have some kind of deal. But, I'm standing and the Czech Republic is standing on the side of Ukraine and its right for self-determination and preserve its country in international recognized borders.” Q: “Talking about Ukrainian identity and their wish to be part of the EU and their earlier wish to be part of the NATO, and we talked about the European identity earlier. Yeah. can you share with us how the Identity, the question of what it means to be a European has been thought about, has evolved in the last 10, 12, 20 years, and especially in light of this war?” LIPAVSKY: “Yeah, so we have to understand that European institutions began after the second World War as a bundle of, of countries not to wage war on each other again - Germany, France, Benelux - and this economically, but also value-based, project was so successful that it transformed into European Union. Nowhere else on the planet is successful cooperation of states, and we are not just a trade bloc, we are also value-based. And Ukrainians as a nation, people, made the decision that those are the values they want to live. They are literally fighting and dying for their choice now. So, I understand that once they made this decision, we should be open to that and we should be helping with their European aspirations. It will not be during one night, it's a long process. There is a lot of states which would like to join the EU, but we should have this mindset that is a value - value based organization and that, that is also about this identity. Values are part of your identity.” Q: “And earlier the sense of being European was often attached with Western European identity and image. And now with the war in Ukraine and people in Ukraine fighting so hard and nations like your own from Central and Eastern Europe, and also the Baltic states are gaining more and more attention internationally. Can you tell us a bit about how Central and Eastern European nations and the Baltic states are together playing a bigger role in shaping people's understanding of the European identity, as well as Europe's future and Europe's role in the global community? LIPAVSKY: “So, this identity is built upon a vision that every person can pursue its own way to be happy - or happiness. And you have very basic values like human rights, rights to all, rights to think, and freedom of speech. This is something which you won't find in Russia or in China, where the states from top-down tries to control basically every aspect of life or at least, you know, to be sure that politics is not part of certain aspects of life. So, they have the full control of society. The European societies doesn't work in this way. We have this open debate, and we are looking for the best solution. And we have scientists who are - with place to openly, you know, think what they think is the best. So, for- and Baltics and Central and Eastern Europe wants to be part of that and is part of that, and this is a continuous process which needs to be proven again, again, and which needs to be assured again, again that we are adhering to these very basic values. So, on one side, I understand that the Europe is typically connected to the most traditional and big countries like Germany, France, the United Kingdom - also even not part of the EU. But then you have this region which is now fulfilling its aspiration to be part of the society and the Russian's war against Ukraine just highlighted the fear of this part of Europe that they could lose these values, they could be again rules, again rules, they could be ruled by Moscow to be part of the Russian imperialistic dream. So, and we can see that Finland and Sweden are thinking about joining NATO because they thought for a long time that being neutral will be enough not to provoke the Russian bear. But Ukraine was neutral, not a member of EU, not a member of NATO, and still became a target of Russian aggression. So, yes, we, we need to prove again and again, and we want to be part of this values-based society.” 10;33 Q: “I saw a tweet - you retweeted the foreign ministry’s tweet, ‘as long as Russia thinks like smaller countries are vassal states of the United States, of Washington, and it will not - and fails to understand that each nation has its own aspirations, and policies, and moral values Russia's behavior is unlikely to change. Or perhaps authoritarian governments’ behavior is unlikely to change.’ Can you talk more about this, big countries, like Russia and China’s, thinking of spheres of influence as well as how what they do domestically affect directly with their foreign policy?” LIPAVSKY: “So, Russia understands force. The reason why the Russian army is not now occupying Kyiv is because of Ukraine's soldiers took a fight and beat them back.” Q: “Russia's behavior is unlikely to change, or perhaps authoritarian governments’ behavior is unlikely to change. Can you talk more about this - big countries like Russia and China’s thinking of spheres of influence, as well as how what they do domestically affect directly with their foreign policy?” LIPAVSKY: “So, Russia understands force. The reason why the Russian army is not now occupying Kyiv is because of Ukraine's soldiers took a fight and beat them back. The only reason for that, there's no, there was no negotiation, there was no explanation, there was no reasoning. It was the brute force which stopped Russians from attacking and occupying Kyiv. Now, they switched their plans and attacking in eastern and southern Ukraine in Donbas. So, you ask me how the policy is developed in Moscow. It's only by the imperialistic vision of great Russia. Putin lives in his Soviet dreams, because he was raised up during Soviet times as a KGB officer. He really believes that. Putin said that Ukraine was created by Lenin, which is total nonsense. Ukraine is older than Russia, if you go a hundred years back. So we have to understand that the Putin and the Moscow elite follows their own interests, and basically they will do everything which suits them. For us, it seems quite irrational, but for them in their little world, it makes sense. And therefore, we are witnesses of this brutal war because, in the end of the day, the only thing they really understand is a brute force. China and Peking, it’s a little bit different story. And I feel that they don't want to be on the losing side of this whole thing, and we are watching Chinese steps very closely, and we are sending a strong signal to China, ‘Please don't support Russia in this crazy thing.’ And on the other side, we are witnesses that the Chinese medias are repeating Russian propaganda on this war. So, it concerns - it is very concerning, but I hope that China understand that they don't want to be part of this whole massive thing.” 14;07 Q: “Before the war in Ukraine broke out, United States and other countries perhaps included, saw China as a top threat to the liberal democratic order, in part because of China's capacity, which is far greater than Russia's. And now, opinions have shifted some. Many people see Russia as an immediate threat. Still, some still consider China as the greatest long term, medium to long term threat. I interviewed a Lithuanian lawmaker, I mean, a Lithuanian lawmaker earlier said, people say in many countries, including in the Baltic states and Europe, they have, they are very aware of the Russia threat, the threat posed by Moscow, but people are not as aware - in her words, ‘not as vaccinated’ - against the threat from Beijing. What are your thoughts there?” LIPAVSKY: “So, those things are very much connected and in a situation when you are confronted with pictures of ruined Mariupol or butcher massacre, genocide, Russian genocide against Ukraine population, this is the immediate threat. This is now, this is happening, and we need to solve in these times. But, it doesn't mean that China is not our rival, our global competitor. It doesn't mean that the possible threats from rise of China is not there anymore. Yes, China wants to change the international order. Putin is attacking international order and rules based order by the very brutal action against Ukraine. China has different means, more sophisticated, but still, they have this vision of world based on their - on their own visions, so, so we need to be careful of that, and be ready to confront China on international path project, like United Nations for example." 16;42 Q: “You listed the Indo-Pacific region as one of the priorities of the Czech Republic's EU presidency, and Global Gateway was introduced late last year, but given the war, it hasn't received a lot of attention. How do you see the Global Gateway pan out during the Czech Republic's presidency, and also in light of competition with the Belt and Road initiative? And on that note, I would also ask, Lithuania pulled out of the 17 plus one, is the Czech Republic going to do the same? Do you see other nations also following suit?” LIPAVSKY: “So on the Global Gateway, during this time, European Union shows a great geopolitical instinct in regard of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. We have agreed on faith, packages of sanctions, six packages of sanctions will be approved. And on Global Gateway, which has been prepared for many years—you know, we spent some time, will be now part of this geopolitical instincts. Which will connect multiple EU activities in different regions, so the EU will be extra, and will be more visible, and will be able to compete with this with this Chinese Belt and Road initiative and to provide a significant package of infrastructure projects, etc, in certain countries. I would like to see Global Gateway be applied to Balkans too. I think that might be one of the results of our presidency if we are able to put this agenda ahead. And on 16+1--” Q: “17+1 now--” LIPAVSKY: “It used to be 17+1--” Q: “Oh, now it is, that Lithuania is out--” LIPAVSKY: “Now it’s 16+1-- but the Chinese are already not using a number for this activity. I do not see any benefit of that, honestly, of this kind of activity.” Q: “What did you say?” LIPAVSKY: “I do not see any kind of benefit from that. So, uh let's see how that will evolve. I am talking to my colleagues, no one is cheering for that, and I think we will see how that will develop.” 19;28 Q: “And China-- you say China does things more sophisticatedly and it wants to shape the international order to its favor? LIPAVSKY: “Yeah, yeah.” Q: “And in what sense can you describe how that is a concern for liberal democracies? LIPAVSKY: “So this international order is built upon a vision that we have common ground and that we obey all the rules, and China likes to cherry pick certain things. And I think what also we are quite aware of is, for example, how China is trying to influence a different kind of treatise on technology measures. So, there are very specific areas where they put their own vocabulary into that, which for example, diminish the issue of human rights. They are ready to speak about the prosperity of this area. So, they are really quite active. Slowly, but like some element, they are trying to change these ideas on which the international order is built upon.” 20;48 Q: “Your concern is not just Europe, but Asia, China and Taiwan as well. So explain your understanding of European values and global universal values.” LIPAVSKY: “I don't think there should be any major difference between the global values and European values. We are working with the UN Charter, with the Charter of Human Rights. Those are the very basic documents which were crafted from the horrors of Second World War. And this is something on which the European societies are built upon, and the rest of the world has adopted as such. So this should be the base from which our thinking stands.” 21;43 Q: “I see. One more, just very quickly. Some people say this war is Putin's war, and some say it’s Russia's war. They say the Russian people are very involved as well. Earlier you talked about Putin being the KGB of a previous generation. Do you see the change of-- changing of times and younger generations making a difference in countries like both Russia and China? You yourself being only in your 30s? LIPAVSKY: “I see that Russian nation was manipulated into believing this horrendous propaganda, which is sad to see and it's hard to distinguish between the state, and nation, and propaganda, in such an Orwellian system like in Russia or in China.”
- Network VOA
- Embargo Date April 25, 2022 17:58 EDT
- Brand / Language Service English